US to Send Delegation to Uruguayan Presidential Inaguation

President Donald Trump announced on Friday, February 21, that a delegation of United States officials will attend the inauguration of Uruguay’s next president, Luis Lacalle Pou.

Pou is a longtime politician having served in the Chamber of Representatives from 2000 to 2015 and the Senate from 2105 to 2019.

Pou won a runoff election in November. He narrowly defeated Daniel Martinez with 50.8% of the popular vote.

The United States will send Environmental Protection Agency Administer Andrew Wheeler, Ambassador Kenneth George, National Security Council Deputy Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Western Hemisphere Affairs Mauricio Claver-Carone, and Acting Assistant Secretary of State Michael Kozak.

Bolivian Foreign Minister Defends Recent Policy Shifts

President Jeanine Anez’s government wasted little time in radically transforming Bolivia’s foreign policy since she came to power in the aftermath of the resignations of Evo Morales and the next three people in the line of presidential succession.

Within a week of becoming the new foreign minister of Bolivia, according to Reuters, Karen Longaric raised concerns with the Cuban government over allegations that Cuban doctors in Bolivia were involved in protests against the new Anez government.

Cuba responded by recalling 725 of its citizens back to the island nation.

According to Reuters, Longaric also asked Venezuelan officials appointed by President Nicolas Maduro to leave Bolivia.

While the new government is turning away from leftist governments in the Americas, it is embracing countries formerly shunned under the Morales administration, including the United States.

On November 26, Reuters reported at the time, Anez named a temporary ambassador to the United States, a role which was vacant since 2008.

In a recent interview with AFP, Longaric defended the changes.

Although she stated that the new Bolivian government wants to strengthen ties with all countries, it is clear that she is not optimistic about relationships with leftist governments in the region, including with the new government in Argentina under Alberto Fernandez.

However, Longaric defended the right of President Anez to shift Bolivia’s foreign policy despite the circumstances that brought her government to power.

Ultimately the longevity of Bolivia’s recent foreign policy shifts will rest with the electorate. Elections will be held in 2020 and although Morales and former vice president Garcia Linera are prohibited from running for office, their party, MAS, is expected to field candidates.

Should the Bolivian voters return the presidency to MAS, then the recent foreign policy shifts will go down as a footnote in the history of this time.

However, if a conservative government is elected to a full term, then Latin America, especially Cuba, Nicaragua, and the Maduro regime in Venezuela, will have to reconcile with a significant shift in the political landscape.

September 7, 1977: Statement on the Panama Canal Treaty Signing

President Jimmy Carter delivered the following speech on September 7, 1977.

Mr. Secretary General and distinguished leaders from throughout our own country and from throughout this hemisphere:

First of all, I want to express my deep thanks to the leaders who have come here from 27 nations in our own hemisphere, 20 heads of state, for this historic occasion.

I’m proud to be here as part of the largest group of heads of state ever assembled in the Hall of the Americas, Mr. Secretary General.

We are here to participate in the signing of treaties which will assure a peaceful and prosperous and secure future for an international waterway of great importance to us all.

But the treaties do more than that. They mark the commitment of the United States to the belief that fairness, and not force, should lie at the heart of our dealings with the nations of the world.

If any agreement between two nations is to last, it must serve the best interests of both nations. The new treaties do that. And by guaranteeing the neutrality of the Panama Canal, the treaties also serve the best interests of every nation that uses the canal.

This agreement thus forms a new partnership to insure that this vital waterway, so important to all of us, will continue to be well operated, safe, and open to shipping by all nations, now and in the future.

Under these accords, Panama will play an increasingly important role in the operation and defense of the canal during the next 23 years. And after that, the United States will still be able to counter any threat to the canal’s neutrality and openness for use.

The members of the Organization of American States and all the members of the United Nations will have a chance to subscribe to the permanent neutrality of the canal.

The accords also give Panama an important economic stake in the continued, safe, and efficient operation of the canal and make Panama a strong and interested party in the future success of the waterway.

In the spirit of reciprocity suggested by the leaders at the Bogota. summit, the United States and Panama have agreed that any future sea-level canal will be built in Panama and with the cooperation of the United States. In this manner, the best interests of both our nations are linked and preserved into the future.

Many of you seated at this table have made known for years through the Organization of American States and through your own personal expressions of concern to my predecessors in the White House, your own strong feelings about the Panama Canal Treaty of 1903. That treaty, drafted in a world so different from ours today, has become an obstacle to better relations with Latin America.

I thank each of you for the support and help that you and your countries have given during the long process of negotiation, which is now drawing to a close.

This agreement has been negotiated over a period of 14 years under four Presidents of the United States.

I’m proud to see President Ford here with us tonight. And I’m also glad to see Mrs. Lyndon Johnson here with us tonight.
Many Secretaries of State have been involved in the negotiations. Dean Rusk can’t be here. He has endorsed the treaty. But Secretary of State William Rogers is here. We are glad to have you, sir. And Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is here too.

This has been a bipartisan effort, and it is extremely important for our country to stay unified in our commitment to the fairness, the symbol of equality, the mutual respect, the preservation of the security and defense of our own Nation, and an exhibition of cooperation which sets a symbol that is important to us all before this assembly tonight and before the American people in the future.

This opens a new chapter in our relations with all nations of this hemisphere, and it testifies to the maturity and the good judgment and the decency of our people. This agreement is a symbol for the world of the mutual respect and cooperation among all our nations.

Thank you very much for your help.

December 20, 1989: Address to the Nation on Panama

President George H.W. Bush delivered the following speech on December 20, 1989.

My fellow citizens, last night I ordered U.S. military forces to Panama. No President takes such action lightly. This morning I want to tell you what I did and why I did it.

For nearly 2 years, the United States, nations of Latin America and the Caribbean have worked together to resolve the crisis in Panama. The goals of the United States have been to safeguard the lives of Americans, to defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking, and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal treaty. Many attempts have been made to resolve this crisis through diplomacy and negotiations. All were rejected by the dictator of Panama, General Manuel Noriega, an indicted drug trafficker.

Last Friday, Noriega declared his military dictatorship to be in a state of war with the United States and publicly threatened the lives of Americans in Panama. The very next day, forces under his command shot and killed an unarmed American serviceman; wounded another; arrested and brutally beat a third American serviceman; and then brutally interrogated his wife, threatening her with sexual abuse. That was enough.

General Noriega’s reckless threats and attacks upon Americans in Panama created an imminent danger to the 35,000 American citizens in Panama. As President, I have no higher obligation than to safeguard the lives of American citizens. And that is why I directed our Armed Forces to protect the lives of American citizens in Panama and to bring General Noriega to justice in the United States. I contacted the bipartisan leadership of Congress last night and informed them of this decision, and after taking this action, I also talked with leaders in Latin America, the Caribbean, and those of other U.S. allies.

At this moment, U.S. forces, including forces deployed from the United States last night, are engaged in action in Panama. The United States intends to withdraw the forces newly deployed to Panama as quickly as possible. Our forces have conducted themselves courageously and selflessly. And as Commander in Chief, I salute every one of them and thank them on behalf of our country.

Tragically, some Americans have lost their lives in defense of their fellow citizens, in defense of democracy. And my heart goes out to their families. We also regret and mourn the loss of innocent Panamanians.

The brave Panamanians elected by the people of Panama in the elections last May, President Guillermo Endara and Vice Presidents Calderon and Ford, have assumed the rightful leadership of their country. You remember those horrible pictures of newly elected Vice President Ford, covered head to toe with blood, beaten mercilessly by so-called “dignity battalions.” Well, the United States today recognizes the democratically elected government of President Endara. I will send our Ambassador back to Panama immediately.

Key military objectives have been achieved. Most organized resistance has been eliminated, but the operation is not over yet: General Noriega is in hiding. And nevertheless, yesterday a dictator ruled Panama, and today constitutionally elected leaders govern.

I have today directed the Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of State to lift the economic sanctions with respect to the democratically elected government of Panama and, in cooperation with that government, to take steps to effect an orderly unblocking of Panamanian Government assets in the United States. I’m fully committed to implement the Panama Canal treaties and turn over the Canal to Panama in the year 2000. The actions we have taken and the cooperation of a new, democratic government in Panama will permit us to honor these commitments. As soon as the new government recommends a qualified candidate—Panamanian—to be Administrator of the Canal, as called for in the treaties, I will submit this nominee to the Senate for expedited consideration.

I am committed to strengthening our relationship with the democratic nations in this hemisphere. I will continue to seek solutions to the problems of this region through dialog and multilateral diplomacy. I took this action only after reaching the conclusion that every other avenue was closed and the lives of American citizens were in grave danger. I hope that the people of Panama will put this dark chapter of dictatorship behind them and move forward together as citizens of a democratic Panama with this government that they themselves have elected.

The United States is eager to work with the Panamanian people in partnership and friendship to rebuild their economy. The Panamanian people want democracy, peace, and the chance for a better life in dignity and freedom. The people of the United States seek only to support them in pursuit of these noble goals.

Thank you very much.

January 8, 1906: Message Regarding Panama Canal

President Theodore Roosevelt delivered the following speech on January 8, 1906.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I inclose herewith the annual report of the Isthmian Canal Commission, the annual report of the Panama Railroad Company and the Secretary of War’s letter transmitting the same, together with certain papers.

The work on the isthmus is being admirably done, and great progress has been made, especially during the last nine months. The plant is being made ready and the organization perfected. The first work to be done was the work of sanitation, the necessary preliminary to the work of actual construction; and this has been pushed forward with the utmost energy and means. In a short while I shall lay before you the recommendations of the commission and of the board of consulting engineers as to the proper plan to be adopted for the canal itself, together with my own recommendations thereon. All the work so far has been done, not only with the utmost expedition, but in the most careful and thorough manner, and what has been accomplished gives us good reason to believe that the canal will be dug in a shorter time than has been anticipated and at an expenditure within the estimated amount. All our citizens have a right to congratulate themselves upon the high standard of efficiency and integrity which has been hitherto maintained by the representatives of the government in doing this great work. If this high standard of efficiency and integrity can be maintained in the future at the same level which it has now reached, the construction of the Panama canal will be one of the feats to which the people of this republic will look back with the highest pride.

From time to time various publications have been made, and from time to time in the future various similar publications doubtless will be made, purporting to give an account of jobbery, or immorality, or inefficiency, or misery, as obtaining on the isthmus. I have carefully examined into each of these accusations which seemed worthy of attention. In every instance the accusations have proved to be without foundation in any shape or form. They spring from several sources. Sometimes they take the shape of statements by irresponsible investigators of a sensational habit of mind, incapable of observing or repeating with accuracy what they see, and desirous of obtaining notoriety by widespread slander. More often they originate with, or are given currency by, individuals with a personal grievance. The sensation-mongers, both those who stay at home and those who visit the isthmus, may ground their accusations on false statements by some engineer, who having applied for service on the commission and been refused such service, now endeavors to discredit his successful competitors; or by some lessee or owner of real estate who has sought action, or inaction by the commission to increase the value of his lots, and is bitter because the commission cannot be used for such purposes; or on the tales of disappointed bidders for contracts; or of office holders who have proved incompetent or who have been suspected of corruption and dismissed, or who have been overcome by panic and have fled from the isthmus. Every specific charge relating to jobbery, to immorality or to inefficiency, from whatever source it has come, has been immediately investigated, and in no single instance have the statements of these sensation-mongers and the interested complainants behind them proved true. The only discredit inhering in these false accusations is to those who originate and give them currency, and who, to the extent of their abilities, thereby hamper and obstruct the completion of the great work in which both the honor and the interest of America are so deeply involved. It matters not whether those guilty of these false accusations utter them in mere wanton recklessness and folly or in spirit of sinister malice to gratify some personal or political grudge.

Any attempt to cut down the salaries of the officials of the Isthmian Commission or of their subordinates who are doing important work would be ruinous from the standpoint of accomplishing the work effectively. To quote the words of one of the best observers on the isthmus: “Demoralization of the service is certain if the reward for successful endeavor is a reduction of pay.” We are undertaking in Panama a gigantic task–the largest piece of engineering ever done. The employment of the men engaged thereon is only temporary, and yet it will require the highest order of ability if it is to be done economically, honestly and efficiently. To attempt to secure men to do this work on insufficient salaries would amount to putting a premium upon inefficiency and corruption. Men fit for the work will not undertake it unless they are well paid. In the end the men who do undertake it will be left to seek other employment with, as their chief reward, the reputations they achieve. Their work is infinitely more difficult than any private work, both because of the peculiar conditions of the tropical land in which it is laid and because it is impossible to free them from the peculiar limitations inseparably connected with government employment; while it is unfortunately true that men engaged in public work, no matter how devoted and disinterested their services, must expect to be made the objects of misrepresentation and attack. At best, therefore, the positions are not attractive in proportion to their importance, and among the men fit to do the task only those with a genuine sense of public spirit and eager to do the great work for the work’s sake can be obtained, and such men cannot be kept if they are to be treated with niggardliness and parsimony, in addition to the certainty that false accusations will continually be brought against them.

I repeat that the work on the isthmus has been done and is being done admirably. The organization is good. The mistakes are extraordinarily few, and these few have been of practically no consequence. The zeal, intelligence and efficient public service of the Isthmian Commission and its subordinates have been noteworthy. I court the fullest, most exhaustive and most searching investigation of any act of theirs, and if any one of them is ever shown to have done wrong his punishment shall be exemplary. But I ask that they be decently paid and that their hands be upheld as long as they act decently. On any other conditions we shall not be able to get men of the right type to do the work, and this means that on any other condition we shall insure, if not failure, at least delay, scandal and inefficiency in the task of digging the giant canal.

March 22, 2002: Presidents Bush, Fox in Mexico, Joint Statement

President George W. Bush met with Mexican President Vicente Fox in Monterrey, Mexico, on March 22, 2002.

Presidents Bush and Fox made the following remarks at a press conference in the Palacio de Gobierno at 6:57 PM local time.

PRESIDENT FOX: Good afternoon. Thank you very much. Yes, in fact, it has been a very productive meeting, a meeting where we have touched upon three subjects, three chapters. One deals with what we have called the border alliance, more intelligent borders and the “smart border” initiative.

The purpose is, firstly, to introduce the safety factor and hold it as an important priority, and at the same time, with the same emphasis, to seek for efficient borders, customs that are efficient, as well, for an expeditious flow both of people, merchandise, products. And in this sense, what we seek is for those using these crossings, which are hundreds of thousands of people every day, to do so with that efficiency we are talking about.

Likewise, within this same sense, we talked about a program to modernize, technologically speaking, our borders. And this would promote that efficiency.

Among other points within this same category, we have also spoken about opening in airports that have high traffic, both in the United States and Mexico, a line to take care of the Mexicans and Canadians coming into Mexico, and in the case of Mexico, taking care of U.S. citizens and Canadian citizens.

The second topic is what we have called the Partnership for Prosperity, where there are plenty of topics, but the specific purpose is to generate opportunities for advancement, opportunities for income, and mainly, in communities with high migratory rates in Mexico. For this purpose, we have spoken of joining efforts to facilitate resources for micro, small and medium-sized companies who are the ones generating the highest number of jobs.

We have spoken of also working to bring down the cost of migrators’ remittances to their families in Mexico, and this way facilitating those resources becoming productive projects toward important generation of employment and opportunities.

We talked about important program of scholarships where, on the U.S. side, there will be investments up to $50 million, precisely to promote these scholarships and promote to the state level the creation of scholarships for universities. This is important in the purpose of creating, forming human resources.

And, on the other hand, we have also spoken of generating and facilitating resources for infrastructure, especially at the border, infrastructure for an efficient use of water, for water treatment plants, infrastructure for ecological or environmental purposes at the border, and some other investments in infrastructure along the same lines, the border.

On the other hand, I believe it is very significant, and we have talked about it again, to have this great drive that has been announced by President Bush at the Financing for Development Conference. And it’s the purpose to try to increase important resources for countries that are not as developed, for poorer countries.

We have heard from many leaders present, many heads of state, who truly expressed this was welcome information, a welcome announcement. And, of course, same goes for us. We are not a country to receive the help, but we clearly understand that there are countries who require this help to combat poverty very close to us, such as the case of Central America.

So we hope that these additional funds, I repeat, have been very welcome, well-received by the community of smaller countries present here. This time these same resources also, part of them, to be used in these countries of Latin America or Central America.

This effort of what has seemed to be called the participation in the Millennium, the Challenge of the Millennium, is important for us. And we have verified this importance it has for the community of countries.

Thank you. Now Mr. Bush will speak.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you for your hospitality and thank you for hosting the important Conference on Reducing Global Poverty. It was a success, thanks to your leadership and your vision.

I’m so glad that the world could see Monterrey, Mexico. It is a really dynamic city. It’s important for the world also to realize that, as a result of President Fox’s vision, this country is reforming. It’s a vibrant place; it’s an exciting place for people to live. People are finding jobs in Mexico.

And, Mr. President, I am grateful to call you friend. Thank you for your leadership, as well.

I try to remind people in my country as many times as I can, a vibrant, prosperous Mexico is in the best interests of the United States of America.

We were at the White House on September the 5th, and here’s what I said then. The United States has no more important relationship in the world than the one we have with Mexico. I believed it on September the 5th, I believe it today. And since September the 11th, those words have been tested and proven.

I deeply appreciate President Fox’s early support and his continuing advice. And on behalf of the American people, I thank the people of Mexico for their support and sympathy.

The relationship between the United States and Mexico is very strong, is very important, and it’s growing stronger every day. America respects Mexico’s culture, and Mexico’s achievements. By embracing markets and fiscal discipline, Mexico has created one of the most resilient economies in the region. And through NAFTA, our nations have forged one of the world’s most dynamic trading relationships.

Every day we exchange more than $650 million worth of commerce, creating wealth and opportunity for consumers and workers and families on both sides of the border. President Fox and I are determined to extend the benefits of free markets to all our citizens. As part of our Partnership for Prosperity, we’ll help focus private investment on less developed parts of Mexico, creating more jobs and more opportunities for more people.

President Fox and I are determined to make our shared border modern, efficient, and secure. The Smart Border Declaration our countries have just signed will move us toward this important goal. Our common border must be closed to drugs and terrorists, and open to trade and legitimate travel.

America is grateful for Mexico’s fight against the drug cartels, and I salute your many breakthroughs this year, Mr. President. President Fox and I talked about migration. Last year we established a process to address this issue. We’re making good and steady progress. Migrants make a valuable contribution to America.

It’s also important for our nation to recognize as we discuss immigration, Mexico has got a unique place in this issue. Mexico is different from other countries, not only because of our proximity, but because of our special relationship.

We made some progress this year on an issue called 245(i). It’s an important piece of legislation. It allowed families to stay together. It passed the House of Representatives. Unfortunately, it got stalled in the United States Senate. And my hope, Mr. President, is we’re able to get it out of the United States Senate and to my desk so I can sign it.

President Fox and I agreed on measures to reform the North American Development Bank, known as NAD Bank. We will increase the bank’s ability to make low interest loans to address urgent environmental priorities along the border. We also agreed to expand the bank’s range, so more people can benefit. Mexico and America are proud nations, united by timeless values: by democracy, by faith and by freedom. We have a modern relationship sustained by a mutual respect and trust.

We’ve entered a new era of trade and cooperation and prosperity. And the United States and Mexico are building an historic partnership, one which will benefit both our peoples and provide a good example for the rest of the world.

Q President Bush, have you or General Zinni heard anything from Chairman Arafat that indicates that a meeting between him and Vice President Cheney could help — Israeli- Palestinian troops? And honoring President Fox’s request that we focus on poverty over this summit, could I also ask you to explain why your administration is withholding the $34 million that Congress appropriated to the United Nations Population Fund — this year’s budget.

And, President Fox, do you have any thoughts on — administration’s decision on the United Nations Population Fund?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Let me start with the later. That violated the one-question rule, but — I said we’re not going to use taxpayers’ money to fund abortion. And we’re going to make sure before we spend taxpayers’ money that we’re not funding abortion.

And as to your first question, as I have said all along, General Zinni will assess the situation in the Middle East. And a meeting could happen if and when Chairman Arafat performs — does what he’s supposed to do. Those conditions have been laid out by Vice President Cheney. And now General Zinni is trying to determine whether or not he is going to do what he said he would do.

PRESIDENT FOX: The second question, what is the question to me?

Q Your reaction to President Bush’s decision to withhold $34 million from the United Nations Population Fund and their family planning work around the world.

PRESIDENT FOX: None. No comment. His decision is totally independent. No comment from my side.

Q My question concerns both Mexico and the United States in a way. President Bush, the Cuban government claims that President Fidel Castro’s early departure from the summit is a result of pressures from your government. And, Mr. President, I want to know if you really would have felt uncomfortable to encounter Fidel Castro here in Monterrey?

And for President Fox, Mr. President, what is the relationship between Mexico and Cuba now after Ricardo Alarcon made the government of Mexico responsible for President Castro’s early departure?

PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, I know of no pressure placed on anybody. I mean, Fidel Castro can do what he wants to do. And what I’m uncomfortable about is the way he treats his people. There’s only one country that’s not a democracy in our hemisphere, and that’s Cuba. And it makes me uncomfortable to realize that there is still one country that doesn’t have free press, freedom to speak, freedom to realize your dreams. And I feel strongly about that, and I’m going to continue to speak out on the fact that this island is a place of repression, a place where the people don’t have hope.

Q Did you pressure anybody?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I don’t know what you’re talking about, about pressuring anybody. I just said that.

PRESIDENT FOX: There has been no modification in our relationships. We said good-bye to Mr. Fidel Castro. His visit ended. And there is no modification or alteration.

Q Mr. President, President Bush, are you prepared to offer Peru new military assistance to help crack down on terrorism in the wake of the bombing in Lima? And is it time to resume drug surveillance —

PRESIDENT BUSH: On the drug surveillance issue, we have yet — not made up our mind yet. We’re analyzing not only what took place in the past, but the most effective way to help Peru fight narcotics.

The first part of the question? I’m sorry, Steve.

Q Helping Peru with terrorism with new military assistance.

PRESIDENT BUSH: We’re going to analyze all options available to help Peru. But the first place we need to help Peru is to get the Andean Trade Preference Act out of the U.S. Congress. One of the messages I’m taking to not only Peru, but the other Andean nations, is ATPA is important — it’s important to my administration, it’s important to their future, and I’d like to see it renewed as quickly as possible.

Q Thank you. Good afternoon. The Cuban government says that the Mexican government was pressured. The Mexican government said they had no pressure. Who is lying, Mr. President Fox? Who is lying, Mr. President Bush? The Cubans or the Mexicans? Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: I thought I just answered that question. (Laughter.) Maybe I missed it — or you did. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT FOX: There is no such thing. Mr. Fidel Castro visited Mexico, visited the conference, the U.N. conference. He was here, he participated in the conference and he returned to Cuba; nothing more.

Q President Bush, good evening. During his recent trip to the Middle East, the Vice President made it very clear that at each stop he told our Arab allies that no military action against Iraq was imminent. Isn’t it also true that this administration is telling our allies, Arab allies and others around the world, that this government is, however, committed — as committed to removing Saddam Hussein from power as the administration was for removing the Taliban?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Let me put it to you this way, David — what we’re telling our friends is that Saddam Hussein is a man who is willing to gas his own people, willing to use weapons of mass destruction again Iraq citizens. Evidently, there’s a new article in the New York magazine or New Yorker magazine — some East Coast magazine — and it details about his barbaric behavior toward his own people. And not only did he do it to his own people, he did it to people in his neighborhood. And this is a man who refuses to allow us to determine whether or not he still has weapons of mass destruction, which leads me to believe he does.

He is a dangerous man who possesses the world’s most dangerous weapons. And it is incumbent upon freedom-loving nations to hold him accountable, which is precisely what the United States of America will do.

I haven’t had a chance to explain this to our Mexican friends, but a nightmare scenario, of course, would be if a terrorist organization, such as al Qaeda were to link up with a barbaric regime such as Iraq and, thereby, in essence, possess weapons of mass destruction. We cannot allow that to happen.

And so, David, what I’ve told others, including President Fox, is we have no imminent plans to use military operations. We’ll be deliberate; we’ll consult with our friends and allies. But we’ll deal with Saddam Hussein. And he knows that. And this is exactly what I’ve been saying ever since I’ve been the President.

Q Does that mean you will remove him —

PRESIDENT BUSH: As I said, yes, we’d like to see a regime change in Iraq. That’s been the longstanding policy of the U.S. government. Nothing is new there. That’s precisely what has been said since I became President of the United States. But close consultations with our friends from all around the world — and they — I think people have got a pretty good sense of how I view him. And I hope that, of course, he allows inspectors to go into his country, like he promised he would do. Not for he sake of letting inspectors in, but to showing the world that he has no weapons of mass destruction.

Q Good evening, Mr. President, if truly your government has contemplated some date about the migratory agreement with Mexico? And also here at the Forum there was something from former President Carter for amnesty for 3 million Mexican workers in the U.S. Your government would consider legalizing them, or are you saying no?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I think the best way to describe what is possible in the United States is that beyond 245(i), which is the family reunification, is, first of all, understanding the unique nature of the Mexican in our country; that the Mexican national is different by virtue of the fact of the proximity to the United States, and that we do have a special relationship between our countries, not only defined by NAFTA, but defined by cultural ties and historic ties. And so I think that ought to be a part of any discussions.

But here’s my attitude. I think what our country ought to do is help match any willing employer with any willing employee, so that if somebody is looking for somebody who wants to work and somebody wants to work, we can facilitate that arrangement.

And we’ve got a lot of discussions and work to do. But what I’ve assured President Fox and his administration is that we will continue working on this issue. We’ve got technical groups working on it and he and I will continue working on it.

PRESIDENT FOX: Thank you very much. Good evening.

President Bush made the following remarks at a dinner at the Museo de Contemporaneo in Monterrey, Mexico, at 8:00 PM local time.

PRESIDENT BUSH:  Senor Presidente, Martha, Gobernador, distinguished guests, Laura and I thank you for this dinner.  And thank you for inviting us to Monterrey, a city that is home to so much of Mexico’s industry and enterprise, and a city that embodies Mexico’s prosperous future.

Monterrey has hosted a number of U.S. Presidents over the years, mi Papa, President Clinton, and President Franklin D. Roosevelt.  When Presidents Camacho y Roosevelt met here in April of 1943, they affirmed our two nation’s World War II alliance and agreed to closer economic cooperation.  Today, we meet with a similar purpose.  We affirm our shared struggle against terror, and we work to promote the great alternatives to terror, prosperity and freedom and hope.

President Fox, I deeply appreciate your friendship and counsel, especially since September the 11th.  And the people of the United States are grateful for your visit to Ground Zero in New York to honor the victims.  And the world appreciates Mexico’s support for the international coalition against terrorism.  The terrorists have declared war on civilization itself, and the civilized world will defeat them.

It wasn’t all that long ago that Laura and I used to live right next door to Mexico.  During that time, I saw the steady emergence of a more confident and more hopeful nation.  I saw the strong and growing ties of culture and trade and kinship between our countries.  Mr. President, your election symbolized these changes and has reinforced them.  You’re a true patriot with a compelling vision for a stronger and more prosperous Mexico.

I tell the people of my country that a strong and prosperous Mexico is good for the United States.  We’re working well together, and I am confident our important work is just the beginning.  We will build on the success of the North American Free Trade Agreement, to expand the benefits of trade and markets to all of our people.

We can build on our political cooperation to make real progress on drug trafficking, environmental protection.  And we will build a border that is more open and more secure.  And we will confront the issue of migration in a spirit of mutual respect.

The Mexican proverb tells us, Tenemos mal los momentos, es cuando se conocen al los amigos.  (Applause.)

Senor Presidente, the United States knows who our friends are, and your enduring friendship allows me — causes me to say muchas gracias. Today, we have a relationship of unprecedented closeness and cooperation. By continuing to work together, we can improve the lives of the people in our two nations, in our hemisphere and in our world.

Mr. President, I offer a toast to you, your gracious wife, and the great friendship between our two countries.

(A toast was offered.)

Presidents Bush and Fox released the following joint statement on March 22, 2002.

Our meeting today was a valuable opportunity to celebrate the strength and vitality of the U.S.-Mexican bilateral partnership over the past year, and discuss our priorities for the year ahead.

Our two nations have developed a historic level of trust and mutual respect, strengthened by common values and purposes, that has facilitated an unprecedented degree of bilateral cooperation over the past year. It is a high national priority of both nations to continue building on that cooperation over the coming years and harnessing it for the achievement of the important goals of economic and social development, security, and rule of law that are essential to both countries’ wellbeing.

In this context, we agreed that the international campaign to eradicate terrorism requires us to address pressing new priorities and shared goals central to defending our societies and ways of life. At the same time, we recognized that the events of September 11 underscore more than ever the importance of the U.S.-Mexican relationship, as partners and neighbors, in the attainment of those goals and in realizing the vision we have set forth for our countries’ future. Hence, we reviewed what we are doing together to create a “smart border” for the 21st century. We will build a border that protects our societies against those who would do us harm, and that truly serves the human and economic needs of our dynamic relationship. We share a vision of a modern border that speeds the legitimate flow of people and commerce, and filters out all that threatens our safety and prosperity.

The “smart border” declaration and action plan we have just adopted sets out a series of specific steps we will take to move concretely toward that vision. The twenty-point action plan comprises measures that will enhance the secure flow of goods and people, and build a modern and efficient infrastructure that keeps pace with commerce. We intend to monitor this process closely to ensure the fastest possible implementation of these and other steps on which we may agree. Both governments will work expeditiously to prioritize infrastructure investment needs and cooperate to identify funding sources.

Slightly more than one year ago, in Guanajuato, we talked about migration as one of the major ties that join our societies. We launched then the frankest and most productive dialogue our countries have ever had on this important and challenging subject. Those talks have continued over the past year, and have yielded a clearer assessment of the scope and nature of this issue. This bond between our nations can render countless benefits to our respective economies and families. Over the past year, important progress has been made to enhance migrant safety and particularly in saving lives by discouraging and reducing illegal crossings in dangerous terrain.

On September 7, 2001, during President Fox’s historic State Visit to Washington, we issued a joint statement instructing our cabinet-level working group to provide us with specific proposals to forge a new and realistic framework that will ensure a safe, legal, orderly, and dignified migration flow between our countries. We have today agreed that our Cabinet level migration group should continue the work we charged it with in Guanajuato and Washington.

When we first met as Presidents, we described our shared vision to help unfetter the economic potential of every citizen, so each may contribute fully to narrowing the economic gaps between and within our societies. To help implement that vision, we launched the “Partnership for Prosperity.” The Partnership seeks to leverage private resources to create jobs and promote prosperity in less developed areas of Mexico. Today, we welcomed the Partnership’s action plan of concrete and innovative initiatives on housing, agriculture, infrastructure, remittances, communications, development financing and information technologies. Some examples include:

  • Lowering the cost to Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in the United States of sending money home so that their families get to keep more of their hard-earned wages;
  • Increasing the accessibility of capital to Mexican entrepreneurs so that they can grow their businesses and create more and better jobs.
  • Increasing investment in housing, and the creation of a secondary mortgage market, so more Mexicans can become homeowners.

Our aim is to foster economic development so that no Mexican feels compelled to leave his or her home for a lack of a job or opportunity. While achieving the Partnership’s goals will require time and persistent effort, the initial steps detailed in this report will build a strong foundation for long-term success. We will closely follow implementation of these promising steps. We are confident that the high level officials we have tasked with turning our vision into reality will produce results that will make us both proud and benefit both our countries.

We commend the ongoing success of the Training, Internship, Education and Scholarship program (TIES), designed to support the Partnership for Prosperity by enhancing conditions for sustained development in Mexico. Over the next five years this $50 million initiative is expected to implement 35 partnerships between Mexican and U.S. higher education institutions and to provide hundreds of scholarships for undergraduate exchanges and graduate studies in the United States.

When we met in Washington in September we talked about the importance of addressing urgent environmental priorities on the border. After a series of discussions with border states, the local communities, and other stakeholders, our binational working group has finalized a series of specific recommendations to strengthen the performance of the North American Development Bank (NADBank), and its sister institution the Border Environmental Cooperation Commission (BECC).

As these institutions continue to work on urgent environmental infrastructure priorities in the border areas, both governments will work with their legislatures to make the recommendations a reality. The recommendations include measures to make financing more affordable, expand the geographic scope on the Mexican side of the border in which projects can be financed, replacing the two institutions’ separate boards of directors with a single board to oversee their work, and facilitate efforts to work with and co-finance environmental projects with the private sector.

Cooperation against organized crime remains a cornerstone of the bilateral agenda. We acknowledged major successes achieved by Mexico in the fight against narco-trafficking. We agreed on the importance of redoubling judicial cooperation aimed at bolstering the rule of law in both countries and strengthening our ability to ensure the safety of our citizens.

We also reviewed regional political issues of interest to both countries, including sharing assessments of the situations in Argentina, Colombia, Cuba and Venezuela.

We have consulted frequently, as friends and neighbors, over the past six months as we have sought to advance a vision of growing partnership aimed at increasing prosperity, greater economic convergence between our two economies, raising living standards, and ensuring the security of both societies. Our commitment to this fundamental agenda, and to the importance of our partnership, is stronger than ever. We will continue our close and productive dialogue in the months and years ahead as we take full advantage of the great opportunities before our two nations.

December 7, 1903: Message Regarding Treaty with Panama

President Theodore Roosevelt delivered the following speech on December 7, 1903.

To the Senate:

I transmit for the advice and consent of the Senate to its ratification a convention between the United States of America and the Republic of Panama for the construction of a ship canal, etc., to connect the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, signed on November 18, 1903.

I also inclose a report from the Secretary of State submitting the convention for my consideration.


Washington , November 19, 1903.


The undersigned, Secretary of State, has the honor to lay before the President for his consideration, and, if his judgment approve thereof, for submission to the Senate, with a view to receiving the advice and consent of that body to its ratification, a convention between the United States of America and the Republic of Panama for the construction of a ship canal, etc., to connect the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, signed by the respective plenipotentiaries of the two countries on November 18, 1903.
Respectfully submitted,


The United States of America and the Republic of Panama being desirous to insure the construction of a ship canal across the Isthmus of Panama to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and the Congress of the United States of America having passed an act approved June 28, 1902, in furtherance of that object, by which the President of the United States is authorized to acquire within a reasonable time the control of the necessary territory of the Republic of Colombia, and the sovereignty of such territory being actually vested in the Republic of Panama, the high contracting parties have resolved for that purpose to conclude a convention, and have accordingly appointed as their plenipotentiaries–
The President of the United States of America, John Hay, Secretary of State, and
The Government of the Republic of Panama, Philippe Bunau-Varilla, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the Republic of Panama, thereunto specially empowered by said Government, who, after communicating with each other their respective full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following articles:


The United States guarantees and will maintain the independence of the Republic of Panama.


The Republic of Panama grants to the United States in perpetuity the use, occupation and control of a zone of land and land under water for the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of said canal of the width of 10 miles, extending to the distance of 5 miles on each side of the center line of the route of the canal to be constructed, the said zone beginning in the Caribbean Sea 3 marine miles from mean low-water mark and extending to and across the Isthmus of Panama into the Pacific Ocean to a distance of 3 marine miles from mean low-water mark, with the proviso that the cities of Panama and Colon and the harbors adjacent to said cities, which are included within the boundaries of the zone above described, shall not be included within this grant.

The Republic of Panama further grants to the United States in perpetuity the use, occupation, and control of any other lands and waters outside of the zone above described which may be necessary and convenient for the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the said canal or of any auxiliary canals or other works necessary and convenient for the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the said enterprise.

The Republic of Panama further grants in like manner to the United States in perpetuity all islands within the limits of the zone above described and in addition thereto the group of small islands in the Bay of Panama, named Perico, Naos, Culebra, and Flamenco.


The Republic of Panama grants to the United States all the rights, power, and authority within the zone mentioned and described in Article II of this agreement and within the limits of all auxiliary lands and waters mentioned and described in said Article II which the United States would possess and exercise if it were the sovereign of the territory within which said lands and waters are located to the entire exclusion of the exercise by the Republic of Panama of any sovereign rights, power, or authority.


As rights subsidiary to the above grants the Republic of Panama grants in perpetuity to the United States the right to use the rivers, streams, lakes, and other bodies of water within its limits for navigation, the supply of water or water power, or other purposes, so far as the use of said rivers, streams, lakes, and bodies of water and the waters thereof may be necessary and convenient for the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the said canal.


The Republic of Panama grants to the United States in perpetuity a monopoly for the construction, maintenance, and operation of any system of communication by means of canal or railroad across its territory between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean.


The grants herein contained shall in no manner invalidate the titles or rights of private land holders or owners of private property in the said zone or in or to any of the lands or waters granted to the United States by the provisions of any article of this treaty, nor shall they interfere with the rights of way over the public roads passing through the said zone or over any of the said lands or waters unless said rights of way or private rights shall conflict with rights herein granted to the United States, in which case the rights of the United States shall be superior.

All damages caused to the owners of private lands or private property of any kind by reason of the grants contained in this treaty or by reason of the operations of the United States, its agents or employees, or by reason of the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the said canal or of the works of sanitation and protection herein provided for, shall be appraised and settled by a joint commission appointed by the Governments of the United States and of the Republic of Panama, whose decisions as to such damages shall be final, and whose awards as to such damages shall be paid solely by the United States. No part of the work on said canal or the Panama Railroad or on any auxiliary works relating thereto and authorized by the terms of this treaty shall be prevented, delayed, or impeded by or pending such proceedings to ascertain such damages. The appraisal of said private lands and private property and the assessment of damages to them shall be based upon their value before the date of this convention.


The Republic of Panama grants to the United States within the limits of the cities of Panama and Colon and their adjacent harbors and within the territory adjacent thereto the right to acquire, by purchase or by the exercise of the right of eminent domain, any lands, buildings, water rights, or other properties necessary and convenient for the construction, maintenance, operation, and protection of the canal and of any works of sanitation, such as the collection and disposition of sewage and the distribution of water in the said cities of Panama and Colon, which, in the discretion of the United States, may be necessary and convenient for the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the said canal and railroad.

All such works of sanitation, collection, and disposition of sewage and distribution of water in the cities of Panama and Colon shall be made at the expense of the United States, and the Government of the United States, its agents or nominees, shall be authorized to impose and collect water rates and sewerage rates which shall be sufficient to provide for the payment of interest and the amortization of the principal of the cost of said works within a period of fifty years, and upon the expiration of said term of fifty years the system of sewers and waterworks shall revert to and become the properties of the cities of Panama and Colon, respectively, and the use of the water shall be free to the inhabitants of Panama and Colon, except to the extent that water rates may be necessary for the operation and maintenance of said system of sewers and waters.

The Republic of Panama agrees that the cities of Panama and Colon shall comply in perpetuity with the sanitary ordinances, whether of a preventive or curative character, prescribed by the United States, and in case the Government of Panama is unable or fails in its duty to enforce this compliance by the cities of Panama and Colon with the sanitary ordinances of the United States the Republic of Panama grants to the United States the right and authority to enforce the same.

The same right and authority are granted to the United States for the maintenance of public order in the cities of Panama and Colon and the territories and harbors adjacent thereto in case the Republic of Panama should not be, in the judgment of the United States, able to maintain such order.


The Republic of Panama grants to the United States all rights which it now has or hereafter may acquire to the property of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama Railroad Company as a result of the transfer of sovereignty from the Republic of Colombia to the Republic of Panama over the Isthmus of Panama and authorizes the New Panama Canal Company to sell and transfer to the United States its rights, privileges, properties, and concessions, as well as the Panama Railroad, and all the shares, or part of the shares of that company; but the public lands situated outside of the zone described in Article II of this treaty, now included in the concessions to both said enterprises and not required in the construction or operation of the canal, shall revert to the Republic of Panama, except any property now owned by or in the possession of said companies within Panama or Colon or the ports or terminals thereof.


The United States agrees that the ports at either entrance of the canal and the waters thereof and the Republic of Panama agrees that the towns of Panama and Colon shall be free for all time, so that there shall not be imposed or collected custom-house tolls, tonnage, anchorage, light-house, wharf, pilot, or quarantine dues, or any other charges or taxes of any kind upon any vessel using or passing through the canal or belonging to or employed by the United States, directly or indirectly, in connection with the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the main canal, or auxiliary works, or upon the cargo, officers, crew, or passengers of any such vessels, except such tolls and charges as may be imposed by the United States for the use of the canal and other works, and except tolls and charges imposed by the Republic of Panama upon merchandise destined to be introduced for the consumption of the rest of the Republic of Panama, and upon vessels touching at the ports of Colon and Panama and which do not cross the canal.

The Government of the Republic of Panama shall have the right to establish in such ports and in the towns of Panama and Colon such houses and guards as it may be necessary to collect duties on importations destined to other portions of Panama and to prevent contraband trade. The United States shall have the right to make use of the towns and harbors of Panama and Colon as places of anchorage, and for making repairs, for loading, unloading, depositing, or transshipping cargoes either in transit or destined for the service of the canal and for other works pertaining to the canal.


The Republic of Panama agrees that there shall not be imposed any taxes, national, municipal, departmental, or of any other class, upon the canal, the railways and auxiliary works, tugs and other vessels employed in the service of the canal, storehouses, workshops, offices, quarters for laborers, factories of all kinds, warehouses, wharves, machinery and other works, property, and effects appertaining to the canal or railroad and auxiliary works, or their officers or employees, situated within the cities of Panama and Colon, and that there shall not be imposed contributions or charges of a personal character of any kind upon officers, employees, laborers, and other individuals in the service of the canal and railroad and auxiliary works.


The United States agrees that the official dispatches of the Government of the Republic of Panama shall be transmitted over any telegraph and telephone lines established for canal purposes and used for public and private business at rates not higher than those required from officials in the service of the United States.


The Government of the Republic of Panama shall permit the immigration and free access to the lands and workshops of the canal and its auxiliary works of all employees and workmen of whatever nationality under contract to work upon or seeking employment upon or in any wise connected with the said canal and its auxiliary works, with their respective families, and all such persons shall be free and exempt from the military service of the Republic of Panama.


The United States may import at any time into the said zone and auxiliary lands, free of custom duties, imposts, taxes, or other charges, and without any restrictions, any and all vessels, dredges, engines, cars, machinery, tools, explosives, materials, supplies, and other articles necessary and convenient in the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protection of the canal and auxiliary works, and all provisions, medicines, clothing, supplies, and other things necessary and convenient for the officers, employees, workmen, and laborers in the service and employ of the United States and for their families. If any such articles are disposed of for use outside of the zone and auxiliary lands granted to the United States, and within the territory of the Republic, they shall be subject to the same import or other duties as like articles imported under the laws of the Republic of Panama.


As the price or compensation for the rights, powers, and privileges granted in this convention by the Republic of Panama to the United States, the Government of the United States agrees to pay to the Republic of Panama the sum of $10,000,000 in gold coin of the United States on the exchange of the ratification of this convention, and also an annual payment during the life of this convention of $250,000 in like gold coin, beginning nine years after the date aforesaid.

The provisions of this article shall be in addition to all other benefits assure to the Republic of Panama under this convention.

But no delay or difference of opinion under this article or any other provisions of this treaty shall affect or interrupt the full operation and effect of this convention in all other respects.


The joint commission referred to in Article VI shall be established as follows:

The President of the United States shall nominate two persons and the President of the Republic of Panama shall nominate two persons and they shall proceed to a decision; but in case of disagreement of the commission (by reason of their being equally divided in conclusion) an umpire shall be appointed by the two Governments, who shall render the decision. In the event of the death, absence, or incapacity of a commissioner or umpire, or of his omitting, declining, or ceasing to act, his place shall be filled by the appointment of another person in the manner above indicated. All decisions by a majority of the commission or by the umpire shall be final.


The two Governments shall make adequate provision by future agreement for the pursuit, capture, imprisonment, detention, and delivery within said zone and auxiliary lands to the authorities of the Republic of Panama of persons charged with the commitment of crimes, felonies, or misdemeanors without said zone, and for the pursuit, capture, imprisonment, detention, and delivery without said zone to the authorities of the United States of persons charged with the commitment of crimes, felonies, and misdemeanors within said zone and auxiliary lands.


The Republic of Panama grants to the United States the use of all the ports of the Republic open to commerce as places of refuge for any vessels employed in the canal enterprise, and for all vessels passing or bound to pass through the canal which may be in distress and be driven to seek refuge in said ports. Such vessels shall be exempt from anchorage and tonnage dues on the part of the Republic of Panama.


The canal, when constructed, and the entrances thereto shall be neutral in perpetuity, and shall be opened upon the terms provided for by Section I of Article III of, and in conformity with all the stipulations of, the treaty entered into by the Governments of the United States and Great Britain on November 18, 1901.


The Government of the Republic of Panama shall have the right to transport over the canal its vessels and its troops and munitions of war in such vessels at all times without paying charges of any kind. The exemption is to be extended to the auxiliary railway for the transportation of persons in the service of the Republic of Panama, or of the police force charged with the preservation of public order outside of said zone, as well as to their baggage, munitions of war, and supplies.


If by virtue of any existing treaty in relation to the territory of the Isthmus of Panama, whereof the obligations shall descend or be assumed by the Republic of Panama, there may be any privilege or concession in favor of the Government or the citizens and subjects of a third power relative to an interoceanic means of communication which in any of its terms may be incompatible with the terms of the present convention, the Republic of Panama agrees to cancel or modify such treaty in due form, for which purpose it shall give to the said third power the requisite notification within the term of four months from the date of the present convention, and in case the existing treaty contains no clause permitting its modification or annulment, the Republic of Panama agrees to procure its modification or annulment in such form that there shall not exist any conflict with the stipulations of the present convention.


The rights and privileges granted by the Republic of Panama to the United States in the preceding articles are understood to be free of all anterior debts, liens, trusts, or liabilities, or concessions or privileges to other governments, corporations, syndicates, or individuals, and consequently, if there should arise any claims on account of the present concessions and privileges or otherwise, the claimants shall resort to the Government of the Republic of Panama and not to the United States for any indemnity or compromise which may be required.


The Republic of Panama renounces and grants to the United States the participation to which it might be entitled in the future earnings of the canal under Article XV of the concessionary contract with Lucien N. B. Wyse now owned by the New Panama Canal Company and any and all other rights or claims of a pecuniary nature arising under or relating to said concession, or arising under or relating to the concessions to the Panama Railroad Company or any extension or modification thereof; and it likewise renounces, confirms, and grants to the United States, now and hereafter, all the rights and property reserved in the said concessions which otherwise would belong to Panama at or before the expiration of the terms of ninety-nine years of the concessions granted to or held by the above-mentioned party and companies, and all right, title and interest which it now has or may hereafter have, in and to the lands, canal, works, property, and rights held by the said companies under said concessions or otherwise, and acquired or to be acquired by the United States from or through the New Panama Canal Company, including any property and rights which might or may in the future, either by lapse of time, forfeiture, or otherwise, revert to the Republic of Panama under any contracts or concessions, with said Wyse, the Universal Panama Canal Company, the Panama Railroad Company, and the New Panama Canal Company.

The aforesaid rights and property shall be and are free and released from any present or revisionary interest in or claims of Panama, and the title of the United States thereto, upon consummation of the contemplated purchase by the United States from the New Panama Canal Company, shall be absolute, so far as concerns the Republic of Panama, excepting always the rights of the Republic specifically secured under this treaty.


If it should become necessary at any time to employ armed forces for the safety or protection of the canal, or of the ships that make use of the same, or the railways and auxiliary works, the United States shall have the right, at all times and in its discretion, to use its police and its land and naval forces or to establish fortifications for these purposes.


No change either in the Government or in the laws and treaties of the Republic of Panama shall, without the consent of the United States, affect any right of the United States under the present convention or under any treaty stipulation between the two countries that now exists or may hereafter exist touching the subject-matter of this convention.

If the Republic of Panama shall hereafter enter as a constituent into any other government or into any union or confederation of states, so as to merge her sovereignty or independence in such government, union, or confederation, the rights of the United States under this convention shall not be in any respect lessened or impaired.


For the better performance of the engagements of this convention and to the end of the efficient protection of the canal and the preservation of its neutrality, the Government of the Republic of Panama will sell or lease to the United States lands adequate and necessary for naval or coaling stations on the Pacific coast and on the western Caribbean coast of the Republic at certain points to be agreed upon with the President of the United States.


This convention when signed by the plenipotentiaries of the contracting parties shall be ratified by the respective Governments, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington at the earliest date possible.
In faith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the present convention in duplicate and have hereunto affixed their respective seals.
Done at the city of Washington, the 18th day of November, in the year of our Lord, 1903.